Ariane de Gennaro

The Brothers of Italy (Fratelli d’Italia), a far right-wing party with neo-fascist roots, won the Italian elections a week ago. Giorgia Meloni, the party leader, will not only become the country’s first female prime minister, but will also lead Italy’s most right-wing coalition government since World War II. The rise of far-right parties and candidates perhaps should no longer come as a surprise given the recent election of Sweden Democrats in September and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s fourth victory in April. But what comes as a surprise to me is how little we care, how little we even talk about it — if we talk about it at all.

Only four years ago, the Brothers of Italy won about 4 percent of the vote. While staying out of the recently-collapsed coalition certainly contributed to their popularity, there was more than that to Meloni’s appeal. Italy has been one of the slowest-growing economies of the EU and the pandemic only worsened its economic outlook. Like many European countries, the Italian population is aging and the fertility rates are significantly lower. The issue of immigration remains concerning as right-wing politicians push for hardline policies and blame migrants for increasing crime rates. 

In the face of all these problems, the left and center-wing parties could not form a united front and offer effective solutions. Meloni, on the other hand, promised to make the declining nation her priority. Her “Italy and  Italians first!” slogan resonated with many, making them feel seen and heard. This feels eerily familiar — Trump’s “Make America Great Again” mantra still echoes in my ears. 

Even though Meloni explicitly rejected her neo-fascist roots and ran on a relatively moderate agenda, there is a lot to be scared of. One of her biggest promises is to support families, encouraging a rise in fertility rates. In this respect, her famous line — “I am a woman. I am a mother. I am Christian” — certainly contributed to her credibility.

But there is also a more sinister side to her identity politics. She believes that low fertility is the reason for a peak in immigration, and that Italy should not need immigrant work-force. Her emphasis on “family” and hence, the “traditional” Italian way of living excludes the LGBTQ+ community altogether. In a speech in June, she declared, “Yes to natural families, no to the LGBT lobby! Yes to sexual identity, no to gender ideology! Yes to the culture of life, no to the abyss of death!” Given that her coalition partners also share her sentiments, we don’t know the extent she will go to achieve this “traditional” way of life. 

Perhaps we can hope that being a part of a coalition government will force her to compromise and adopt more moderate views. Perhaps she won’t be able to make drastic changes to the economy or the country’s position in the EU because Italy needs the EU’s post-pandemic support funds. Perhaps the public support for her will erode rather quickly once she cannot deliver all of her promises to save the declining nation. It was easy to criticize from the sidelines. Once she is in office though, she is likely to share the common destiny of many incumbent governments before her. 

But all of these should make us question our current political climate. There is a reason why thousands of people still go to Trump’s rallies and are willing to listen to his lies about his alleged win in the 2020 election and his innocence during the Jan. 6 storming of the Capitol. What is happening to our democratic values? Who is responsible for the rise of these “demagogues”?

One part of the answer clearly points to the political elites. Perhaps the situation is as not dire as the German President Hindenburg’s appointment of Hitler as chancellor in 1933 with the full knowledge of his ideology and extremist agenda. Yet, there is something to be said about the center left and right-wing parties’ inability to appeal to voters and to unite to keep the extremist leaders out of the government. 

But what about us? Why do we, the voters, still believe the promises of these far right-wing and fascist politicians? How much do we care about our democratic institutions or even know about them? The answers to these questions should occupy some space in our minds and are worth some time in our discussions. Yale is arguably one of the most politically active campuses in the United States and even across the globe. Yet I am bewildered by our lack of civic engagement and knowledge every day. With U.S.  midterm elections in a month and 2024 presidential elections on the way, there is a lot at stake. And we cannot afford to not care. Not anymore.

SUDE YENILMEZ is a junior in Berkeley College. Her column, ‘Piecing Together,’ runs every other Monday. Contact her at sude.yenilmez@yale.edu.